Chapter 6


Using Credit-Bureau Scores

A transformation in the way mortgage applications are processed is beginning to reshape the residential finance industry. Automated underwriting’s ability to evaluate a multitude of risk factors accurately and objectively for each loan application makes it a superior underwriting tool. However, the move to automated underwriting will not occur overnight. Until the conversion is complete, credit-bureau scores will serve as an important bridge between traditional loan- assessment methods, which rely on human underwriters to weigh myriad pieces of information, and automated underwriting.

Credit-bureau scores capture only one dimension of the lending decision and, therefore, lack automated underwriting’s comprehensiveness and ability to account for the layering of risk. Nonetheless, credit-bureau scores are an extremely useful tool in the hands of human underwriters.

Credit-Bureau Scores Improve Manual Underwriting

In July 1995, after conducting statistical tests that demonstrated the predictive power of credit-bureau scores, Freddie Mac recommended that lenders use these scores to supplement their manual underwriting practices. Three months later, Fannie Mae similarly endorsed the supplemental use of credit-bureau scores.

The use of credit-bureau scores enables lenders to expedite their reviews of borrowers’ credit profiles. Freddie Mac advises lenders that applicants with FICO scores above 660 are likely to have acceptable credit reputations. In these cases, lenders can focus on verifying the consistency of the information provided and establishing whether additional risk exists that is not accounted for in the credit-bureau score. For applicants with FICO scores between 620 and 660, the credit profile is uncertain, and lenders perform the same review as they would when underwriting without credit-bureau scores. FICO scores below 620 indicate high risk, and a particularly thorough review is needed.1

Using credit-bureau scores in this way increases both the accuracy and efficiency of manual underwriting.

What Creates a High-Risk Score?

While a borrower’s credit-bureau score depends on a number of factors, the most important is the borrower’s proven willingness and ability to repay debts. High-risk scores go to those applicants with a history of repayment problems,such as bankruptcies or chronic late payments.

A Freddie Mac analysis of a sample of 25,000 loans insured by FHA illustrates the importance of these risk factors. For this purpose, Freddie Mac defined high-risk borrowers as those with FICO scores below 620 and lower-risk borrowers as those with FICO scores above 660.

Exhibit 10 reveals key differences between these two groups. For example, 88 percent of high-risk borrowers showed a previous 60-day delinquency, while 35 percent were currently 60 days past due on a loan payment. In contrast, 17 percent of lower-risk borrowers had fallen 60 days behind in the past, and just 1 percent were currently 60 days delinquent.

Along with a history of missed payments, a jump in recent credit activity bears close scrutiny. The addition of several new credit accounts or the maximum use of existing credit lines may jeopardize a borrower’s ability to handle a new mortgage obligation.

Borrowers with high-risk scores are much more likely to exhibit signs of overextension. For the sample of borrowers illustrated in Exhibit 10, 23 percent had used 80 percent or more of their available credit, and 20 percent showed more than four inquiries for new credit in the past year. In contrast, lower-risk borrowers were far less likely to show signs of expanding credit use: only 6 percent had tapped into 80 percent or more of their available credit, and only 5 percent had more than four inquiries for new credit.2

Who Has Riskier Scores?

By and large, the majority of applicants have established adequate credit histories to qualify for mortgage loans. Nonetheless, policymakers and the housing finance industry are raising concerns about borrowers with high-risk scores, particularly in light of various studies indicating that minority families tend to experience greater credit difficulties.3

A Freddie Mac analysis of the distribution of credit-bureau scores confirms these findings. African-American borrowers, for example, were about three times as likely to have high-risk credit-bureau scores—defined as FICO scores below 620—as were White borrowers, based on Freddie Mac’s 1994 mortgage purchases. Hispanic borrowers were about twice as likely as White borrowers to have high-risk scores.4

In contrast, credit-bureau scores appear to vary less across income groups. Based on the same data, for example, borrowers earning less than 80 percent of area median income were only slightly more likely to have high-risk scores than borrowers with incomes exceeding 120 percent of area median.

While credit-bureau scores may vary across racial and ethnic groups, their predictive power does not. Based on FreddieMac’s 1994 loan purchases, for example, Exhibit 11 shows that—whether the borrower was African- American, Hispanic or White—loans for borrowers with FICO scores greater than 660 performed better than loans for borrowers with scores between 620 and 660, which in turn performed better than loans with FICO scores below 620.

FICO scores also are highly predictive across income groups. For the same sample, Exhibit 12 shows that loans to borrowers with FICO scores above 660 and between 620 and 660 outperformed loans to borrowers with scores below 620 for all income levels.

Addressing Key Questions

The growing reliance on credit-bureau scores for all types of lending has raised a number of concerns. Addressing them confirms the value of this tool to supplement manual underwriting.

Inaccuracies. How can borrowers be sure that their credit-bureau scores are based on accurate information? Currently, the nation’s three main credit repositories maintain a total of 150 million to 200 million individual credit files. Keeping the files accurate and up-to-date is vital to the reliability of the statistical scores used to rate borrowers with this information.

Fortunately, credit grantors and credit information providers share the same need as consumers for complete and accurate credit files.5 For credit grantors, accurate credit files are critical to sound lending decisions. For credit information providers, reliable information is what keeps them in business.

Laws passed by Congress more than a generation ago provide further assurances that credit files will be well maintained. These laws protect the privacy of credit information and give consumers the tools to require credit repositories to correct inaccuracies. (See Consumer Protection and Credit Records)

In the event that some consumer credit records still contain errors, Freddie Mac advises lenders to review evidence that the loan applicant provides about inaccuracies. Lenders should incorporate this information, as appropriate, when underwriting the loan.

Representativeness. Are minority households sufficiently represented in the samples of loans used to compile credit-bureau scores?

In a recent report, FICO-score developer Fair, Isaac and Company, Inc. assessed the degree to which the loan repayment experience of minority borrowers is adequately represented in credit repository data. The study found that residents of “high-minority areas” account for 7.8 percent of adults 18 years and older and 6.7 percent of consumers with credit reports maintained by credit repositories. Fair, Isaac concluded that, while the figures indicate a slight underrepresentation of high-minority-area residents in the records of credit repositories, the data clearly cover a significant number of minority households.6 The fact that credit-bureau scores are powerful predictors for minority borrowers confirms that they are sufficiently represented.

Finance company use. Does prior use of finance companies by minority households push their credit-bureau scores into a high-risk category?

Fair, Isaac’s recent report also examined the use of finance companies. It detected little variation in the number of finance company accounts used by consumers regardless of the racial composition of their neighborhoods.

(See Use of Finance Companies) Freddie Mac reached a similar conclusion based on an analysis of 25,000 FHA loans. The use of finance companies was similar among African-American, Hispanic and White borrowers, as well as across income groups.

Nontraditional credit. What happens when families without established credit histories apply for a loan?

The mortgage industry has made strides in recent years to find alternative ways to evaluate and consider the small number of households who have yet to establish credit. Some lenders, for example, have begun to rely on payment histories for rent, utilities and other recurring obligations. However, credit repositories do not routinely collect payment information from landlords or utility providers, making this information difficult to verify efficiently.

In cases where sufficient traditional information is unavailable, Freddie Mac encourages lenders to use alternate ways of evaluating credit to accommodate the needs of these borrowers.

Fortunately, consumers are able to go from no credit history to an acceptable one relatively quickly, in perhaps one or two years. To do this, they need to open and use several credit accounts, and make timely payments without running up large balances.

As an interim step to the widespread adoption of automated underwriting, credit-bureau scores can help simplify and improve the mortgage-approval process. Automated underwriting builds on this accuracy and efficiency.
















Footnotes:

1.This guidance pertains to applications to finance one-unit, single-family dwellings. Different FICO score ranges apply for two- to four-unit properties to reflect their higher risks.
2. While credit repositories collect information on all inquiries, only those inquiries that are generated by consumer requests for additional credit are factored into FICO scores.
3. Alicia H. Munnell, Geoffrey M.B. Tootell, Lynn E. Browne and James McEneaney, “Mortgage Lending in Boston: Interpreting HMDA Data,” The American Economic Review, March 1996; Eric Rosenblatt, “A Reconsideration of Discrimination in Mortgage Underwriting with Data from a National Mortgage Bank,” unpublished manuscript presented at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Fair Lending Conference, April 1996; and Glenn B. Canner and Charles A. Luckett, “Consumer Debt Repayment Woes: Insights from a Household Survey,” Journal of Retail Banking, Spring 1990.
4. This pattern, while not well understood, seems to reflect less about credit markets and more about the general economic condition of many minority families. African-American and Hispanic households tend to have higher unemployment rates, less job security and significantly lower levels of wealth. For example, in times of financial difficulty, minority households may be less able to get help from parents or other family members and more likely to fall behind in their payment obligations.
5. The three repositories are Equifax Credit Information Services, Trans Union Credit Information Company and TRW Information Systems and Services.
6. Fair, Isaac and Company, Inc., “Low to Moderate Income and High Minority Area Case Studies,” Discussion Paper, August 1996. The study used Census Bureau data to divide ZIP codes into high-minority and other areas. A high-minority area was defined as one where the percentage of African-American and Hispanic residents is 70 percent or greater. Similar conclusions were reached for areas from 40 to 90 percent African-American and Hispanic.


 

 

 

 

 

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